Cutting-Edge Knowledge of China's International Relations
Xu Xin
Review of: New directions in the study of China's foreign policy / edited by Alastair Iain Johnston and Robert S. Ross. - Stanford : Stanford University Press, 2006. - xvi, 482 p. - ISBN 0-8047-5362-8; 0-8047-5363-6 (pbk)
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Stories of China: Italian Perspectives
Claudia Astarita
Review of: Il secolo cinese : storie di uomini, città e denaro dalla fabbrica del mondo / Federico Rampini. - Milano : Mondadori, 2006. - 364 p. - (Piccola Biblioteca Oscar ; 474). - ISBN 8804554150;
and La Cina alla conquista del mondo : la società, la politica, l'economia e le relazioni internazionali / Maria Weber. - Roma : Newton & Compton, 2006. - 206 p. - (Controcorrente ; 26). - ISBN 88-541-0733-6
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Writing Bush's Legacy Today
Erik Jones
Review of: The one percent doctrine : deep inside America's pursuit of its enemies since 9/11 / Ron Suskind. - New York : Simon & Schuster, c2006. - xi, 367 p. - ISBN 978-0-7432-7109-7;
and State of denial / Bob Woodward. - New York : Simon & Schuster, c2006. - xiv, 560 p. - ISBN 978-0-7432-7223-0; 978-0-7432-9566-6
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Wait a Minute - Is That an Empire?
Mario Del Pero
Review of: Among empires : American ascendancy and its predecessors / Charles S. Maier. - Cambridge ; London : Harvard University Press, 2006. - 373 p. - ISBN 978-0-674-02189-1
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Anti-Americanism and the Formation of the New European Identity
Emiliano Alessandri
Review of: Uncouth nation : why Europe dislikes America / Andrei S. Markovits. - Princeton : Princeton University Press, 2007. - xvii, 275 p. - ISBN 978-0-691-12287-8
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The United nations: Between Shadow and Light (also in Italian)
Natalino Ronzitti
Review of: The parliament of man : the past, present, and future of the United Nations / Paul Kennedy. - New York : Random House, 2006. - xvii, 361 p. - ISBN 978-0-375-50165-4
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Recent Publications

The US and transatlantic relations

The divided West / by Jürgen Habermas ; edited and translated by Ciaran Cronin. - Cambridge ; Malden : Polity Press, 2006. - xxiv, 224 p. - ISBN 978-0-7456-3518-0 ; 978-0-7456-3519-4 (pbk)
Recent trends - the Iraq war being the most relevant - apparently signal that power politics has once again taken centre stage (if it ever lost it) as the appropriate conceptual framework for international relations. With this collection of essays and interviews, first published in German in 2004, the German philosopher and social theorist, Jürgen Habermas, attempts to point to a different, possible evolution of both international relations and the way analysts and intellectuals conceptualise them.
Habermas remarks that, beneath the surface of power politics, globalisation trends foster a logic of deepened international cooperation. This should pave the way for a system in which abiding by a universal set of rules and norms proves more efficient for managing global economic and security issues than resorting to unilateralism. The current international system would then develop into what Habermas, following Kant's old project for an "eternal peace" among nations, calls a "cosmopolitan" order or condition.
At the core of Habermas "cosmopolitanism" is a reformed United Nations that would accord greater representation to emerging countries from Asia, Africa and Latin America, and would limit its role to promoting and enforcing a strict human rights policy. Non-state actors, such as NGOs, would also take part in the process of opinion-making that would eventually prompt the Security Council to act. More generally, Habermas is convinced that in an era of media globalisation a sort of world public opinion will finally emerge which world powers will find increasingly difficult to ignore (he sees the seeds of this global public opinion in the large demonstrations against the US-led invasion of Iraq that took place almost simultaneously on 15 February 2003).
Inclusiveness and reciprocal recognition, in Habermas' eyes, are necessary ingredients for any global governance recipe to work. The European Union, as a framework for cooperation among sovereign states that combines supranational and intergovernmental elements, should play a leading role in inspiring and promoting this process.
One major consequence would be the progressive "juridification" of the use of force, which would be limited to international police operations aimed at preventing or stopping gross violations of human rights. This process would set the criteria for a military intervention, e.g. whether it is legal or illegal, thus reducing (and eventually eliminating) the temptation to wage war on moral grounds only. Indeed, if wars were justified morally but not legally, any major power would retain a basically arbitrary right to conduct military interventions. On the contrary, legal procedures would safeguard the enemy's rights (for instance thanks to the International Criminal Court).
The war in Kosovo and the invasion of Iraq (as well as the establishment of the Guantanamo prison camp) exemplify these two different models. The Kosovo war, though not authorised by the UN, was legal in the sense that it put the duty of all nations to prevent humanitarian catastrophes over the territorial sovereignty of a state, thus lending more substance to an international human rights policy. By contrast, the Iraq invasion constituted a serious breach of international law and proved extremely divisive even for decade-old allies. All these differences notwithstanding, a trait d'union nevertheless exists between the Kosovo and Iraq wars, namely the tendency of the United States (and Britain), in contrast to continental Europe, to interpret the intervention in the Balkans as an attempt to impose a liberal system and not as a case of enforcement of an internationally accepted human rights policy. Until this trend is reversed in the US, real progress toward a cosmopolitan order based on inclusion and mutual recognition will be hampered. (R.A.)

Second chance : three presidents and the crisis of American superpower / Zbigniew Brzezinski. - New York : Basic Books, c2007. - vi, 234 p. - ISBN 978-0-465-00252-8
After the demise of the Soviet Union, the United States enjoyed unprecedented political and moral authority. Yet, fifteen years after its heyday, Washington has squandered this unique opportunity to exercise a durable global leadership. The reason for such an uncomfortable outcome lies in its inability to grasp the strategic and cultural complexities of using power and influence in the age of globalisation. This is the central argument of the agile and elegant analysis of the three US post-Cold War presidencies by Zbiegniew Brzezinski, US National Security Advisor under Carter and one of the most prominent Democratic voices in international affairs.
Bush I was an experienced representative of Washington's foreign and security policy establishment, with a deep knowledge of international relations and a fine sense for combining the multiple tools - diplomacy, incentives, military might - that the US had to resort to in pursuing its interests. Confronted with the daunting task of managing the dismantling of the Soviet empire, his administration succeeded in bringing Moscow to acquiesce to Germany's reunification and the loss of power in Eastern Europe. Moreover, it was able to forge a very broad coalition, which ranged from Europe to most Arab countries, against the expansionism of Saddam Hussein's Iraq in 1990-91. Though a superb tactician, Bush Sr. failed to spell out an articulate long-term strategy able to cope with the specific threats and needs of the emerging post-Cold War world. Hence, his victories were not fully exploited. This is especially the case for the Middle East, where he missed the opportunity, offered by his triumph over Saddam, to push harder for a definitive settlement of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. At the end of the day, Bush's much-invoked "new world order" resulted in a loose adaptation of a classical power politics scheme to changed geopolitical conditions.
In deep contrast with his predecessor, Bill Clinton did have a vision for the future and was also able to communicate it passionately and persuasively. As a self-styled prophet of "globalisation", he viewed international politics basically in terms of growing economic and cultural interconnectedness, encouraged by such heterogeneous but complementary developments as technological progress and the decline of ideologies. Instinctively, Clinton viewed the US more as the main engine of globalisation than as an internationally responsible security actor. The harsh realities of the risks related to regional crises, nuclear proliferation and terrorism, forced him to become more proactive. Yet, his responses to crises were intermittent. He presided over NATO's expansion and intervened successfully, though belatedly, in the Balkans, but was incapable of addressing the sensitive issues - the US approach to Iraq, Iran, and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict - that were undermining American credibility in the Middle East and, more generally, in the Islamic world. In addition, his deterministic faith in globalisation facilitated the identification of the US with the social inequalities associated with globalisation itself, thus nurturing anti-American (and anti-Western) sentiments worldwide.
When Bush II inherited the presidency from Clinton, therefore, the global standing of the United States was already subject to increasing scrutiny and criticism. By adopting a dogmatic and aggressive response to the 9/11 terrorist attacks and by embarking on a unilateralist war in Iraq based on false pretences, Bush Jr. gave huge momentum to these tendencies and practically destroyed American credibility. He has divided the Atlantic community, radicalised the Arab and Islamic world, pushed Russia closer to China. The next US president will need to work hard to restore the US' ability to lead. Most of all, he/she will have to understand that the present age of globalised societies calls for a sustainable global leadership based more on power restraint, inclusiveness and long-term strategies than on military might and economic prosperity. (R.A.)

The transatlantic divide : foreign and security policies in the Atlantic alliance from Kosovo to Iraq / Osvaldo Croci & Amy Verdun, editors. - Manchester and New York : Manchester University Press, 2006. - xiv, 231 p. - (Europe in change). - ISBN 978-0-7190-6506-4
The transatlantic partnership has been increasingly fraught with difficulties as the United States and the Europeans have proven unable to develop a consistent common framework for cooperation in the post-Cold War world. Divergences range from the use of force to tackle perceived threats to the usefulness of multilateral institutions, most notably the Atlantic Alliance. Offering a credible assessment of the reasons behind these differences is the main objective of this collective book, which puts together a select group of academicians from North America and Europe.
The book is divided into two parts. The first focuses on the international crises and topics that have strained the transatlantic relationship in recent years. The second illustrates the context in which basic strategic choices took shape in the United States and other key members of the Atlantic community (Canada, France and Great Britain, Germany, Italy and the neutral countries).
A convincing point made in the book is that the Kosovo war, although presented to the public as a case of transatlantic cohesion and reciprocal commitment, actually exposed some fissures that would widen into rifts in the Iraq crisis. Indeed, the majority of European countries regarded participation in a military intervention that lacked UN authorisation as an exception, while the United States saw it through the prism of its post-Cold War foreign policy paradigm, by which the US itself, as a benign power and ultimate guarantor of world order, has the right to intervene when multilateral institutions prove ineffective. This difference erupted brutally during the harsh controversy that preceded the Iraq invasion. The Kosovo war was also revealing as far as NATO's role is concerned. While most Europeans tended to consider the intervention in Kosovo in line with NATO's core mission of ensuring Europe's security and stability, the Americans focused on the "humanitarian" aspect of the military operation regardless of its territorial dimension. This implied that the Alliance had become - for both Europeans and Americans - more a useful tool to implement national priorities than a permanent forum in which to discuss joint strategies. Witness the refusal by the US administration to use NATO assets in its campaign against the Taliban in Afghanistan, and the lack of any consultation over Iraq at NATO level. Finally, the book provides a solid analysis of how the European Union's defence dimension (ESDP) was influenced by the divisions over Iraq, highlighting that Great Britain ceased to oppose further development of ESDP as a means of reconciliation with estranged France and Germany, but only after ensuring ESDP's subordination to NATO.
The book is a valuable instrument for understanding the major trends in the transatlantic relationship more thoroughly. Its main merit is its focus on intra-European divisions - even though some authors neglect this aspect - as a result of competing priorities between the transatlantic and the EU agendas of key European countries. (R.A.)

Russia

Engaging with Russia : the next phase : a report to the Trilateral Commission / authors: Roderic Lyne, Strobe Talbott, Koji Watanabe. - Washington [etc.] : The Trilateral Commission, 2006. - x, 182 p. - (The Triangle Papers ; 59). - ISBN 0-930503-87-2
Russia, the world's largest country, is in a period of triple transition: from the second superpower ruling 350 million people, it is becoming a regional power with a declining population; from a collapsed autarkic command economy it now has a market economy; and from a communist dictatorship and ideology it is experimenting with a new political order. This report seeks to understand the development of the Russian Federation in the post-Soviet era to date.
It analyses processes in politics - from the Yeltsin to the Putin presidencies - as well as society, the market economy and the new external relationships.
The first part (chapters 2, 3, 4) illustrates developments within Russia. In particular, it analyses President Putin's initial objectives, and his recurring theme of the need for a stronger state and more effective federal control of the regions. Topping Putin's priorities, alongside the restoration of stability and the state, was development of a market economy in Russia. Indeed, during his first term, he tried to balance order, governability, reform and democracy and to re-establish control over regions, in particular Chechnya, where, after years of conflict, terrorism has still not been eradicated. His second term has witnessed a mood shift: the over-reliance on high oil prices and the illusion that the country can become a petro superpower have become an excuse for failing to diversify and modernise the economy. Russia has become a bureaucratic state control by a small, self-interested group.
In the second part (chapter 5 to the end), the report describes aspects of Russia's external relations. It analyses the relationship between Russia and United States, as well as Russia's role in the G8, the nature of its institutional relationship with NATO, the OSCE and the Council of Europe. It also looks at the way in which European attitudes toward Russia have evolved from the Cold War period. Although progress is very slow, Europeans have a strong desire to forge a partnership with Russia. Removing barriers while respecting national sovereignty, culture, language and traditions, would enhance not only prosperity but also stability. Finally the authors examine the linkage with Asia, considering its growing economic importance.
The Report ends with some conclusions on the direction in which Russia is heading, trying to identify the obstacles to overcome in the future, considering the forthcoming elections in 2008. Russia today is a country of contradictions, in which freedom and democracy are not fully implemented. Thanks to oil, its economy is on the rise, but today's boom only masks structural flaws. The policy challenges, the social problems and the demographic crisis will require courageous and far-sighted new leadership. (F.O.)

Russia and the European Union: the sources and limits of "special relationships" / Cynthia A. Roberts. - Carlisle Barracks : U.S. Army War College. Strategic Studies Institute, 2007. - ix, 133 p. - ISBN 1-58487-278-0
The Russo-EU relationship is one of the most important issues for Europe today. Its course will influence the extent to which Russia moves towards realising its historical European vocation and its proclaimed ambition to become a democracy. Today, the relationship is precarious and there are many obstacles that have to be overcome. This work focuses on the sources and limits of the post-Cold War relationship between Russia and the EU and analyses the ambiguities and difficulties lying in the way of closer cooperation in areas of mutual interest. Old and new challenges, like energy interdependence, instability in the Balkans and nuclear proliferation in Middle East require a new partnership and cooperation agreement. The author points out that while a realistic prospect of accession had a positive effect on domestic politics and economics in the other post communist countries, the EU does not, at this time, have the capacity to consider the concrete eventuality of membership for Russia. On the other hand, Putin has tried to strengthen interaction with the EU as a whole, but according to the author this is a strategy aimed at restoring Russia's power and position, not forging an alliance based on common values.
The situation is complex but the author finds that establishing a better relationship with Russia is currently the most important and urgent task facing the EU. In fact, Russia and the EU are increasingly interconnected: not only does the EU depend on Russian oil and gas supplies, but with the last enlargement, Russia and the EU are now neighbours. (F.O.)

Middle East

Globalization and geopolitics in the Middle East : old games, new rules / Anoushiravan Ehteshami. - London and New York : Routledge, 2007. - xii, 258 p. - (Durham modern Middle East and Islamic world series). - ISBN 978-0-415-42632-9
Ehteshami's book aims at analysing the impact of globalisation in the geo-political context of what is today referred to as the Greater Middle East. As the author stresses in the foreword, there is still a gap to be filled in the study of the impact and consequences of globalisation in this region. However, this cannot be done without considering the powerful geopolitical forces that are at work in this area.
The first chapter of the book is dedicated to defining the term globalisation, which is still quite controversial today. Ehteshami argues that in order to study the effects of globalisation one must give it an eclectic definition that can be substantiated only by mentioning three historical factors: (1) the process of internationalisation of capitalism since the late 1960s; (2) the dominance since the early 1980s of the neo-liberal economic agenda; (3) the end of the Cold War and the collapse of the Soviet Union (p. 26).
The Greater Middle East has historically been and still is very vulnerable to outside forces. More recently, the region's relations with the outside world has been further complicated by 9/11 and the new US security paradigms of democratisation (regime change) and war on terror.
Both globalisation and geopolitics have a great impact on the region. From an economic point of view, globalisation has exposed the region's economic weaknesses. In Ehteshami's view, globalisation has put into question the étatist, rent-driven states of the region, helping - along with the Bush administration's reform agenda - to reduce the state's grip on civil society. In this sense, "globalisation can be a crossroad of opportunities for the region insofar as it does encourage empowerment of the individual in society" (p. 188). But a pre-condition for this to happen would have to be for the region's articulated modes of production - a mixture of pre-capitalist and capitalist structures - to become more capitalist, sufficiently to enable independent socio-economic actors to forge the expansion of civil society (p. 188).
Also, post-9/11 (in)security may override the implementation of many urgent reforms needed to ride the "globalisation tiger". Should this happen, globalisation might have the opposite effect in the region, resulting in poor state formation, little trade and foreign investment and reassertion of traditional identities. (D.P.)

Hezbollah : a short history / Augustus Richard Norton. - Princeton and Oxford : Princeton University Press, c2007. - vi, 187 p. (Princeton studies in Muslim politics) - ISBN 978-0-691-13124-5
Norton's book gives an essential and easy-to-read account of the largest and more prominent Lebanese political party. Far from what Western and Israeli policymakers seem to believe, Hezbollah is neither a terrorist group nor an Iranian surrogate organisation, but a full-fledged mass-based political movement with a political, a social and a military branch. Regional and national support for Hezbollah has increased incredibly thanks to its effective resistance to the Israeli occupation of Lebanon until 2000 and to the Israeli onslaught in summer 2006, but also thanks to its well organised social services and its reputation as an honest broker at the national level.
In 167 pages, including a glossary and a recommended reading section, Norton illustrates the initial political mobilisation of the Shia community in Lebanon, Hezbollah's foundation and its role in the last period of Lebanon's civil war (chap. 1-2). He then describes Shia rituals, the Shia identity and the way Shia interact with politics (chap. 3) and discusses Hezbollah's views on violence and resistance to Israeli occupation (chap. 4). Finally, he analyses Hezbollah's participation in Lebanese politics in the nineties, the Lebanese situation after Hariri's assassination in 2005 and the July 2006 war and its aftermath.
The book is a must read for anyone wanting to have an idea of the Lebanese puzzle and the role played in it by one of the most interesting political actors emerging in the Middle East. (D.P.)

Miscellaneous

Gli anni del declino : la politica estera del governo Berlusconi (2001-2006) / Giuseppe Cassini. - [Milano] : B. Mondadori, c2007. - x, 128 p. - (Container). - ISBN 978-88-424-2127-6
An outcry of anguish and anger for the crisis of influence and image that Italy has suffered in recent years, written by an Italian diplomat who has held various important positions abroad.
The author describes his view of Italian foreign policy - but also the perception of it abroad - during the five years of Berlusconi government with a relentless serious of facts, starting with comments in the international press and continuing with annual international rankings, the Italian nominations to international organisations, opinions of foreign governments and influential foreign policy spheres, testimonials of colleagues in the Foreign Ministry. In this first part of the text, more precision in quoting sources would have been appreciated.
But the author's accusing finger is also pointed against those who share his profession for having remained silent too often, for having failed to council the "Prince" appropriately, and for having gone along with the establishment for opportunism and so as not to hinder their career.
In any case, the most interesting part of the book is undoubtedly where he puts forward some ideas on how to curb the decline of Italy's foreign policy and recover others' and our own respect: relaunch Italy's image, set up a "system" to promote Italian candidates in international positions without giving in to personal or party preferences, having the Foreign Ministry take on responsibility by setting out a deontological code and by undertaking a few functional reforms (of embassies, of the legal profile of ambassadors, of the system of cultural promotion, of the ability to coordinate international cooperation, of the consular network).
The book also contains suggestions for the current government which, to mark the discontinuity, should make efforts to support dialogue, multilateralism, social development, the fight against factors of environmental degradation, institution building, and conversion of military spending into development aid.
More in detail, he sets out a list of actions aimed at rehabilitating the Italian Foreign Ministry as well as Italy itself in the world: relaunching European integration, returning to a less servile relationship with the United States, re-establishing a policy of equidistance in the Middle East, participating more incisively in the stabilisation of the Balkans, contributing to reform of the United Nations and renewal of the G-9, bestowing new instruments upon public development aid, developing the capacity for integration and dialogue in promoting Italian culture and exports abroad, devising programmes for promoting Italy's image, nominating "itinerant ambassadors" for geographic areas and sectors, and organising a mega-conference to reflect on foreign policy issues.
The copyright returns from this book will go the Lebanese inter-confessional NGO, Amel. (M.C.)

Et maintenant, le monde en bref : les médias et le nouveau désordre mondial / Jean-Paul Marthoz. - Bruxelles : Groupe de Recherche et d'information sur la paix et la sécurité ; Paris : Complexe, 2006. - 324 p. - (Les livres du GRIP ; 283-285). - ISBN 2-8048-0012-1
This is the second edition of a work that appeared in 1999 with the title Et maintenant, le monde en bref : politique étrangère, journalisme global et libertés. Since then, the Internet has gained prominency not only as a space for innumerable information sites, but also as a promoter of "citizens' journalism" by means of blogs and dissonant voices in the information universe, even though the fundamental principles of journalism continue to be guaranteed by quality media (BBC, Le Monde, etc.).
At the same time, though, international journalism and freedom of information are at risk. The United States and American culture are increasingly present in the information industry and, as a result, the large globalised and globalizing media export political and economic ideas forged by American thinktanks (individualism, privatisation, etc.), weakening the sovereignty of the nation states and the concept of the state itself.
Media globalisation also contributes to spreading the aspiration to freedom and justice and encourages the proliferation of "non-state actors", overturning conventional parameters of analysis. But in general, not only does media power not provide the instruments with which to interpret this globalisation, but it often dissimulates or even manipulates information.
Sometimes, the response comes from the states themselves. Out of fear of losing international influence and their information industry in the face of this progressive "North Americanisation", they have taken countermeasures that have at times turned into incentives to hate, micro-nationalism and extremist protests.
The author's analysis is aimed at revealing the force of globalisation and its effects in the fields of foreign policy and the media. He point to the defects and deficiencies of the global media, its indifference to the public sphere, its contempt for the general interest when it opposes theirs, that is the "Hollywood" kind of journalism/information. His aim - or hope - is to rediscover and strengthen the role that the media can play in favour of democracy, respect of human rights, social justice and cultural diversity, without emphasizing its power.
The author believes that it is time to take up once again the banner of the "war of ideas", combating not only ultra-liberalism, but ultra-nationalism, neo-Stalinism, populism, marginalisation and hate.
He offers a series of recommendations. The first is to reject any pretence of relativism of the truth. Respect for diversity has to be reaffirmed, guaranteeing freedom of speech. Then, what is needed is respect for the right to access information of public interest. Governments, but also intergovernmental organisations and large national companies, have to be obliged to inform correctly, preventing "public lies", above all when they intend to promote war or violate international law or human rights. Deontological limits should be set that prosecute journalists who support dictatorships, that reject all corporativism and complicity between power and gens de presse. It is time to fight for the independence of the media from political power.
The second recommendation is to redefine the concept of objectivity: journalists cannot but be in favour of truth, freedom, independence and humanity.
The third recommendation is to practice "glocalisation", that is, to anchor the international to the local and vice versa. That is why the prevarication of "the news of the day" over an anticipation of the news of tomorrow (for example, genetic manipulation, environmental degradation, support of democracies for dictatorships) or an analysis of the past must be countered. It is time to return to subjects that have been overshadowed by current affairs. Journalists should also be knowledgeable of the global/world dimension of their subjects, the intertwining of economic, cultural, political or religious phenomena. Editorial offices should create a "culture of globality", systematically planning in their meetings projects that highlight the interdependencies in the world.
The fourth recommendation is to rethink a public sphere in which the state returns to its initial function as guarantor of the common good. Journalism should return to being "for everyone" and not merely an instrument of segmentation and tribalisation. At the same time, however, a cahier di charges has to be drawn up, which preserves cultural diversities, seeks out the dissident voices, limits the concentration of the media in the hands of a few, in general limits the participation of industrial and financial groups in the media and in particular television and/or recognises the conflict of interest between owner/sponsor/shareholder and certain pieces of information. The state and the media should support the threatened media, the alternative and dissident voices.
The fifth and last recommendation is to educate the public by teaching it in school how to read the media and how to make its voice heard in the grand media, and to encourage journalists to be solitary and to practice solidarity. (M.C.)