Book Reviews

Beyond Wiring Diagrams? ESDP Explained and Assessed
Sonia Lucarelli
Review of: Security and defence policy in the European Union / Jolyon Howorth. - Basingstoke and New York : Palgrave Macmillan, 2007. - xix, 315 p. - (The European Union series). - ISBN 978-0-333-63911-5; 978-0-333-63912-2 (pbk)
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Experimenting Leadership
Cesare Merlini
Review of: The great experiment : the story of ancient empires, modern states, and the quest for a global nation / Strobe Talbott. - New York : Simon & Schuster, 2008. - 496 p. - ISBN 978-0-7432-9408-9
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China and the World: Rethinking Security in a Multipolar System
Gerald Chan
Review of: China stands up: the PRC and the international system / David Scott. - London and New York : Routledge, 2007. - vii, 212 p. - ISBN 978-0-415-40269-9; 978-0-415-40270-5 (pbk);
Human security and the Chinese state : historical transformations and the modern quest for sovereignty / by Robert E. Bedeski. - London and New York : Routledge, 2007. - xiv, 190 p. -(Routledge contemporary China series; 17). - ISBN 978-0-415-41255-1;
Chinese strategic culture and foreign policy decision-making : Confucianism, leadership and war / Huiyun Feng. - London and New York : Routledge, 2007. - x, 185 p. - (Asian security studies). - ISBN 978-0-415-41815-7;
China turns to multilateralism : foreign policy and regional security / edited by Guoguang Wu and Helen Lansdowne. - London and New York : Routledge, 2008. - xiii, 303 p. - (Routledge contemporary China series; 24). - ISBN 978-0-415-42571-1;
China factors : political perspectives & economic interactions / Gordon C. K. Cheung. - New Brunswick and London : Transaction Publishers, c2007. - xii, 165 p. - ISBN 978-0-7658-0342-9
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Recent Publications

European security and defence

The EU and the European security strategy : forging a global Europe / edited by Sven Biscop and Jan Joel Andersson. - London and New York : Routledge, 2008. - xix, 193 p. - (Routledge advances in European politics ; 49). - ISBN 978-0-415-41394-7 ; 978-0-203-96092-9 (ebk)
In May 2003, Javier Solana, High Representative for CFSP, was tasked by the EU foreign ministers with the drafting of a strategic concept for the European Union. At the Thessalonica European Council of 19-20 June, Solana presented his first draft, which was subsequently discussed in an unprecedented European-wide consultation process involving three EU-organised seminars in fall 2003. The final document, "A Secure Europe in a Better World - European Security Strategy" (ESS), was adopted by the European Council on 12 December 2003.
This document is now omnipresent in EU discourse and the guidelines set down in it are constantly referred to in EU decisions; it is widely read among the general public and frequently appears on university reading lists. Yet, its validity and impact as a real security strategy for the EU are still questioned.
This book aims to assess whether the ESS functions effectively as a strategy, constituting a frame of reference for the day-to-day decision making and shaping of EU policy. It also examines whether the ESS' assumptions are still valid or should be revised and whether its objectives are adequate for safeguarding EU interests or require additional strategic reflection in certain areas.
In order to address these questions, the book brings together the contributions of various authors on the issues tackled in the ESS and identifies the strategic document's strengths and weaknesses as the following: (1) it uses a holistic approach that tries to integrate all dimensions of foreign policy (aid, trade, diplomacy and defence), but remains vague on key issues because of a lack of consensus among EU member states, such as on the nature of the transatlantic relationship and the latitude of EU independence in security and defence matters; (2) it clearly states what the real threats to the EU are (international terrorism, WMD proliferation, regional conflicts, failed states and organised crime), but it does not rank or prioritise between them; (3) it calls for an international order based on effective multilateralism, with the UN at its centre, but fails to define the concept of effective multilateralism and does not identify a way to improve EU coherence and effectiveness in the UN framework; (4) it influenced the promotion of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP), contributing to increasing the EU's strategic coherence and policy capacity in its relationship with neighbouring regions; (5) it called for the transformation of the member states' militaries into more flexible and mobile forces, but the actual results of the concepts and capabilities developed still need to be tested; (6) it emphasizes a partnership approach to security and the need for the EU to work with key partners and organisations, but it does not provide enough guidelines on how to do it; (7) it serves as a constant reminder of the need for more coherence, but it did not succeed in making any member state or institution relinquish its role in EU external relations; 8) it played an important role in healing the transatlantic rift over Iraq in 2003, but what sort of relevance it will have for the transatlantic relationship in the future is not clear.
The book's overall assessment of the ESS is quite positive. In the aftermath of the Iraq war, it played an important role in convincing both Europeans and others that the EU can be an actor in international affairs and it remains the frame of reference for the forging of a Global Europe. The authors warn, however, that its continued relevance may depend on factors that are beyond the strategy paper's remit, namely the changing international environment and the political will of the member states. In any case, the potential impact that a forward-looking and well-designed strategic document can have on the EU's international actorness should not be underestimated.
Nevertheless, the conclusions presented in the book have already been partially superseded by events: the process of revision of the ESS has already started and will eventually lead to the adoption of an amended and improved strategic document by the end of 2008. (N.P.)

La moneta e la spada : la sicurezza europea tra bilanci della difesa e assetti istituzionali / a cura di Filippo Andreatta. - Bologna : Il mulino, c2007. - 212 p. - (Collana AREL/il Mulino ; 58) - ISBN 88-15-11545-4
A selection of essays on European defence and security issues, this book is structured in two parts, the first dealing with institutional matters pertaining to the European security policy, the second devoted to the industrial and financial aspects of security and defence in Europe.
Francesca Raschi presents an analysis of the historical political evolution of a common security policy starting from the failure of the European Defence Community (EDC) initiative, through the Western European Union and European Political Cooperation, up to the emergence of the new post-Cold War scenario. Raschi presents the St Malo summit as the core for development of the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP), which was further strengthened by the following European Councils in Cologne and Helsinki (both in 1999). The subsequent publication of the European Security Strategy and the setting up of the European Defence Agency (EDA) provided further impulse for ESDP process development.
Mathias Koenig-Archibugi introduces the collusive delegation theory to explain international cooperation and the creation of a common foreign and security policy, comparing the different attitudes of EU member states (namely France, Germany and Great Britain).
Elisabetta Brighi closes the first part of the volume with an analysis of the ESDP decision-making process, emphasizing the imbalances typical of high politics decisions. Since 2003, ten different missions have been deployed under the ESDP umbrella. Brighi underlines the need to deal with the EU pillar structure, the ambivalence in cooperation under the Berlin Plus Agreement, the extremely selective intervention practice and the mechanisms for mission legitimation in order to enable the ESDP to become functional at the normative, operative and procedural levels.
Emanuele Castelli's chapter in the second part of the book examines the situation of armed forces and military expenditure in a number of countries. Europeans have far more active armed forces than the United States, but the numbers effectively deployed and the defence budget in the US are still higher. The gap between Europe and the US is not only due to a technological delay, but is directly influenced by a lack of political will in the sector. Castelli underlines the need for more flexible troops and improved coordination mechanisms: a reduction in number and more expertise could lower equipment and wage expenses, leaving room for long-term investments. According to the author, it is high time for EU member states to change their approach to defence budgets.
Andrew James deals with the evolution of the global industrial defence market, underlining the differences between the US' big industrial defence companies, which dominate the global defence market, and Europe's major transnational industrial companies strengthened during the nineties by growth in transatlantic joint ventures and acquisitions. James remarks on the role of Italian industry in the European and transatlantic markets with its leading company Finmeccanica. Nevertheless, the European defence market remains highly fragmented and incapable of developing economy-of-scale-based productions. At present, a change in the strategic environment is under way and is being led by the EDA, which James considers pivotal for dialogue among companies, member states and the EU. The EU Green Paper (2004) and the introduction of the new code of conduct (July 2006) are representative of a new openness in the European market.
The volume aims therefore to counter the growing pessimism concerning the creation of an efficient European defence policy. The costs of research in the defence field, the current threats and the need for the EU to become the "essential ally" of the US, make the success of a common defence policy under the European flag imperative. (F.A.)

Transforming European militaries : coalition operations and the technology gap / Gordon Adams and Guy Ben-Ari. - London ; New York : Routledge, 2006. - xiv, 176 p. - (Contemporary security studies). - ISBN 978-0-415-39264-8 ; 978-0-203-96910-6 (ebk)
Since the end of the Cold War, the emergence of new security threats has imposed different types and frameworks of intervention. European forces operate today within international, transatlantic and strictly European coalitions in network and in overseas theatres. The new context, and the effective response to it, require a certain European and transatlantic level of interoperability and coordination, both at the strategic and capability levels.
Written by two European security and defence technology experts, the book shows that a transatlantic gap in terms of military interoperable capabilities does exist, but is neither dramatic nor absolute. Actually, "there are important nuances to that gap that need to be understood for interoperability to be achieved". Indeed, each country aims at achieving Network-Based Operations (NBO) capabilities considering its understanding of the uses of Command and Control, Communications and Computers, Intelligence, Surveillance and Reconnaissance (C4ISR) technology in warfare and considering the kind of missions it foresees in the future.
The study highlights a positive European trend towards the evolution of NBO doctrines in some countries (Finland, Sweden, the Netherlands and UK), and a significant development and deployment of (C4ISR) capabilities in others - sometimes not accompanied, however, by a parallel evolution of strategy (France, Germany and Norway). The study takes an in-depth look at several European countries, some of them NATO allies, in terms of both their level of doctrine evolution and their capabilities development and deployment. Several detailed tables listing national capabilities for network-based operations - (to be) deployed in 2006 and 2007 - and describing their interoperability level, makes this book a precious source for consultation.
Since the development of C4ISR is also taking place at the multinational level, two chapters are dedicated to analysis of network-based doctrines and the capabilities and interoperability levels of multinational organizations: NATO (very advanced) and EU (at an early stage). As far as the EU is concerned, a whole chapter focuses on space domain, a sector of growing importance in the military and security fields, in which the development of interoperability is supported by growing transnational cooperative programs. A chapter, moreover, is dedicated to the European industrial and technology base for network-based capabilities, where the evolution of Europe's main industries toward a transnational structure, and common initiatives at the European level on procurement and R&D are seen as the beginning of a process that must continue.
The book ends with a series of recommendations for policy changes on both sides of the Atlantic to enhance transatlantic interoperability. These changes, it is noted, have to acknowledge different security agendas and the different value and interpretations given to NBO in the US and Europe, thus correcting the conventional wisdom about the transatlantic "gap". (L.M.)

EU foreign policy

Africa and fortress Europe : threats and opportunities / edited by Belachew Gebrewold. - Aldershot ; Burlington : Ashgate, c2007. - xv, 186 p. - ISBN 978-0-7546-7204-3
The EU's migration policy, increasingly interconnected with its foreign policy and a part of its cooperation policy, is affected by political instabilities, institutional weaknesses and conflicts in other parts of the world, in particular in Africa. The causes and consequences of migration and the implications of the migration policy of the European Union strongly affect intercontinental and interstate relations between Europe and Africa. This book represents an analysis of Euro-African relations within the context of the increasing African migration to Europe. As these migrations are considered one of the key threats to European political and social security, a key European security strategy is to secure the continent not only internally but also from the outside.
The book is a collection of essays by various experts analysing current migration flows from Africa to Europe and their challenges and opportunities for both continents. It is divided into two parts. In the first, "Threats from Africa" (first six chapters), the essays focus on Africa's institutional weaknesses - conflicts, violence and poverty - which affect many African states and in particular Eastern Africa, politically and economically the most vulnerable region on the African continent. These factors play a considerable role in African migrations toward Europe. The authors analyse, from an economic perspective, why people move and what the consequences of African emigration are on African economies. Particularly interesting is Chapter 3, by Cheryl Hendricks, who discusses the political situation in the southern African region. It was thought to be a source of stability for the entire continent, but the economic and political crisis in Zimbabwe and the conflicts in DR Congo have dashed these initial hopes. The second part, "The responses of the EU" (last three chapters), focuses on the European response to these migration and security issues. Chapter 7 describes Frontex, the EU control agency for managing operational cooperation at the external borders of the member states (Mediterranean and Atlantic), tasked with stopping the increasing flow of African migration to Europe by patrolling the shores of Senegal and Mauritania. Developments in EU migration policy from the Schengen Agreement to the Hague Programme of 2004 are described in Chapter 8, underlining the need for a more humanitarian migration policy.
The book, the first interdisciplinary study on the current African migration to Europe and the EU's attempts to protect itself from this real or perceived danger, provides an interesting overview of the threats and opportunities of the EU's current migration policy towards Africa. (F.O.)

The foreign policy of the European Union / Stephan Keukeleire and Jennifer MacNaughtan. - Basingstoke and New York : Palgrave Macmillan, 2008. - xvii, 374 p. - (The European Union series). - ISBN 978-1-4039-4721-5 ; 978-1-4039-4722-2 (pbk)
Over the past years, European foreign policy has become the subject of increasing academic interest. Yet, the ever-growing specialisation in the study of EU foreign policy in separate research domains have hindered an organic understanding of the phenomenon itself. In addition, the right mix of theoretical analysis and empirical description is rarely achieved. The new book by Stephan Keukeleire and Jennifer MacNaughtan, respectively Professor at the College of Europe in Bruges and at the Catholic University in Leuven, and Head of Office for a Member of the European Parliament, cannot be included in this category. In fact, the book is comprehensive and analyses all the main aspects of EU foreign policy in a coherent and well structured way, taking a clear conceptual approach to the way in which the nature of EU foreign policy and of foreign policy tout court should be reappraised.
The authors suggest that, in order to analyse the results and effectiveness of foreign policy, the focus should not be only on what they call conventional foreign policy, that is the foreign policy orientated towards states, military security, crises and conflicts, but should concentrate mainly on what they refer to as structural foreign policy, that is the foreign policy conducted over the long term, seeking to influence or shape political, legal, socio-economic, security and mental structures. These structures are thought to characterise not only states and inter-state relations, but also society, the position of individuals, relations between states and societies, and the international system as a whole.
The book is very well written and the chapters follow a clear and logical sequence. It starts with an interesting analysis of the changed context in which EU foreign policy operates, which requires a reappraisal of the traditional foreign policy concepts of the twentieth century based on inter-state relations and the dominant role of military security. The following chapters assess the historic evolution, actors and policy-making processes of the EU's foreign policy system. The analysis of the authors is not limited to the legally and institutionally-defined domains of EU foreign policy: the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP) and the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP), but extends beyond them to include policy fields developed within the European Community (EC) framework, but relevant to EU foreign policy as they provide it with its major financial and policy instruments. The last chapter of the book is devoted to an analysis of the implications of the findings of this book with reference to International Relations and European Studies theories.
One final asset of the book is that, while an assessment of EU foreign policy through the lens of structural foreign policy is no doubt more positive than through the lens of conventional foreign policy, it does not indulge in stereotyped rhetoric. (M.Co.)

The US and the world

America Latina e Stati Uniti : dalla dottrina Monroe ai rapporti tra G.W. Bush e Chávez / Pier Francesco Galgani. - Milano : F. Angeli, c2007. - 308 p. - (Varie ; 1189). - ISBN 978-88-4648875-6
In the first years of the new century, the United States witnessed a decline in its political and economic influence in what it has always considered its "backyard", Latin America, with the leftward political shift in the major South American countries. A lack of development, social degrading, the falling apart of the traditional political alliances, corruption, democratic deficit and poverty have, in fact, caused the emergence and assertion of leftish populist leaders, often animated by anti-American feelings.
This book retraces the history of relations between the two continents from the 19th C to the second half of 2007, with particular attention to the post-Cold War period and the Bush-Chavez confrontation.
The third chapter, more than one third of the entire volume, is dedicated to a reconstruction of the Venezuelan leader's education, his rise and his politics. A progressive nationalist, as the author defines him, Chavez entered onto a collision course with Washington because of his oil policy, for his ideological proximity with the guerrilla movements beyond his borders (e.g. FARC in Colombia), for his criticism and opposition to American neo-liberalism and free trade according to WTO rules.
In order to change the conditions of North-South trade, Chavez started to use oil as a lever - the so-called oil diplomacy - to achieve his foreign policy objectives and, that is, to increase the international role of his country and economic and political integration of South America. Finally, the need to diversify the sources of financing and liquidity forced him to seek other international reference points and this is where China came in, driven in turn by its hunger for raw materials and energy resources and the need to isolate Taiwan.
Relations between the United States and Venezuela became more tense during Bush's second term: Washington tried to follow a dual strategy towards the Caribbean country: on the one hand, providing military and economic aid, on the other, trying to break the links between Venezuela and countries with left leadership, trying to isolate and contain Chavez. Chavez reacted both by relaunching Mercosur and by setting up the Bolivarian Andian Confederation (with Peru, Bolivia and Ecuador).
The author does not fail to note that, according to some, the US strategy was the same as the one followed in Ukraine in 2004. Fortunately, the victory of the Democrats in the mid-term elections in November 2006 and Chavez' re-election in December 2007 weakened Bush's position and forced the US to adopt a more realistic attitude, at least in words, while not abandoning the strategy of containment.
Now, the advent of a new US presidential administration and some contradictions in Chavez' political conduct pointed out by the author leave a number of questions concerning the future of Latin America unanswered.
The reconstruction of the historical period considered and the underlying economic and political dynamics is meticulous and based on a myriad of sources. The style is soft, often journalistic and the - perhaps too - numerous excursus make it enjoyable reading even for the non specialist. A few vaguely panegyrical accentuations make one wish for a more balanced approach to the figure of the Venezuelan leader, but the effort to provide as broad a picture as possible of the real situation is certainly laudable. (M.Cr.)

Iran's military forces and warfighting capabilities : the threat in the Northern Gulf / Anthony H. Cordesman and Martin Kleiber. - Washington : The CSIS Press, c2007. - x, 269 p. - ISBN 978-0-89206-501-1
Understanding the real nature of Iranian military forces is not at all an easy task: a flurry of official and semi-official spokespersons, diplomats, politicians and clerics have depicted the issue in very different tones, from an apology of Iran's warfighting capabilities to the claim that Iranian actions are the result of Western incomprehension. The confusion caused by this plurality of voices has to be linked to the difficulty in focusing on capabilities rather than on the leaders' intentions: the language of foreign policy and strategy is one of the most sibylline aspects of current day Iran.
This interesting book by Anthony H. Cordesman and Martin Kleiber succeeds in clarifying most of these controversial issues. Iranian warfare is described in detail (when possible, since it is still difficult to verify the military propaganda in many sectors) including the ideological and economic roles played by the different parts of the Iranian military system, indicating the real chain of command.
The introduction clarifies that the authors' analysis will be developed with particular attention to the regional role of Iran: a Shiite country surrounded by Sunni countries, an enemy of the US encircled by economies highly dependant on petrodollars. The book's subtitle, "The threat in the Northern Gulf", summarises other Arab countries' perception of Iran. The general perception resulting from a comparison of the military systems of Iran and its neighbouring countries is that the former, despite the overwhelming active manpower - divided into the Army itself, the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) and the Basij, the Air Force and the Navy (Chapters 4 to 6) - is still dependent upon antiquated and inefficient weapons and equipment, making it very hard for it to win in the open battlefield against better equipped armies such as the Saudi (and, of course, the US) army. The military leadership seems to have understood that Iran's numerical superiority allows for highly successful defensive and asymmetric warfare. This is revealed by several independent battalion-sized exercises of the IRGC in particular, which has recently been equipped with strengthened anti-tank and anti-helicopter weaponry. Moreover, Iran's involvement in Shiite movements in Afghanistan, Iraq, Palestine, Syria and Lebanon provides Tehran with the ability to become a religious and ideological threat to the security of the entire Middle East, a region polarised along sectarian lines.
Highly classified issues, such as chemical, biological and nuclear programs, the object of ambiguous declarations by the Iranian leadership, are discussed in Chapters 10 and 11, with official and non-governmental estimates and the few unclassified US formal assessments. Despite the Iranian army's proven attempt to acquire long-range ballistic and cruise missiles, there is still no reliable way to characterise Iran's ability to acquire weapons of mass destruction.
In the final chapter, the authors nevertheless draw up a clear and simple scenario of Tehran's possible choice of using nuclear weapons against the US or Israel: "any use of nuclear weapons might well be suicidal". In addition, the authors suggest that the wisest course of action for the US, the EU and the UN would be to continue with the diplomatic option as long as possible. The authors conclude with a call to avoid errors such as simply threatening, sanctioning or even attacking Iran and encouraging weak Iranian exile groups to organise a coup d'état, since this is not going to produce any change in Iran: "only Iranians in Iran can accomplish real regime change, but the United States can do far more to have a positive rather than a negative influence". It can encourage Iran's moderates and reformers through exchanges, second track meetings and dialogue. Visits and scholarships are pointed out as key steps. (L.K.)

Russia, America and the Islamic world / Mike Bowker. - Aldershot ; Burlington : Ashgate, c2007. - x, 193 p. - ISBN 978-0-7546-7199-2
This book is meant as a follow-up to an earlier monograph of 1997, which considered US-Soviet relations in the context of the end of the Cold War. Ten years later, relations between Russia and the United States are still a core issue in the international debate. Nevertheless, the threat to the West is no longer Marxism-Leninism and the Soviet Union. After 11 September 2001, the two old enemies joined forces in identifying Islamist terrorism as the main security threat in the post-Cold War world. The author chooses Huntington's theory of the "clash of civilisations" as the framework of analysis. In this perspective, culture is identified as an important element of international relations, alongside other factors such as realist notions of national interests, liberal ideas on democracy and international law.
The book does not deal with all aspects of the US-Russian relationship, but focuses rather on the major conflicts, crises and disputes that have involved the Islamic world. In keeping with Huntington's "clash of civilisation" theory, the first half of the book considers the conflicts in Afghanistan, the Gulf, Yugoslavia and Chechnya.
The second part of the book focuses on more recent crises, including 9/11, the war in Iraq, the stand-off with Iran and the Israel-Palestine conflict. The al-Qaeda attack on US territory in 2001, seen as a serious challenge to the international status quo, having had an important impact on international relations. The intervention in Afghanistan was one of those infrequent occasions on which the interests of Moscow and Washington coincided. However, the partnership did not last long. Relations between Moscow and Washington deteriorated markedly, with suspicion and distrust growing on both sides in recent years. On the one hand, NATO expansion and the projected deployment of missile defence systems in Poland and the Czech Republic have contributed to intensifying the Kremlin's complaints of an unnecessarily aggressive US attitude. Even though Washington argues that the deployment of the missile defence system is not directed at Russia, its democracy promotion programme seeks to destabilise Russia and decouple Moscow from its allies in the former Soviet Union. On the other hand, Washington is suspicious of Moscow with its concept of "sovereign democracy" and its neo-imperialist attitude in its dealing with the Soviet successor states.
The author concludes that Moscow would still like to cooperate with Washington wherever possible, including in the war on terrorism and WMD proliferation. It is important to underline that the US role as a trading partner will be crucial to maintaining Russia's current economic upturn when energy prices start to fall again. But Putin is a Russian nationalist who has fought to restore his country's pride. Practically, this means actively pursuing Russian national interests, even if this antagonises Washington on occasion. (G.N.)

Strategies of dominance : the misdirection of U.S. foreign policy / P. Edward Haley. - Washington : Woodrow Wilson Center Press ; Baltimore : Johns Hopkins University Press, c2006. - xiv, 286 p. - ISBN 0-8018-8397-0 ; 0-8018-8413-6 (pbk)
With the US presidential elections on the horizon, it could be interesting to understand the features of recent US foreign policy and its prospects. Edward Haley's book is a useful tool for appreciating the successes and failures of US policies in the world under the last three presidents, and the lessons that the next administration could learn from them. The key hypothesis on which Haley's analysis is based is the so-called "post-Cold War paradigm". Followed by Democrats and Republicans during the last twenty years, it has failed to manage the change in the international system. In fact, it neither prevented the emerging terrorist threat before 11 September nor reacted successfully to it afterward. Moreover, it has not provided a reasonable way to deal with the important new issues that have arisen in the last ten years. In the first chapter, the author provides an analysis of Bush Senior's presidency as compared to the following presidents. One of Bush's merits emphasized by Haley is the caution he used in managing the new enormous power gained by the United States at the end of the Cold War: although the circumstances would have allowed the US to act as the only "superpower" in the world, he "declined to push the limits of the American superpower and elected to (...) put the use of the American military power within a framework of international law, the United Nations, and the consent of the country's allies". The second chapter analyses the legacy of this administration, and the overall judgement is largely positive. The following two chapters are dedicated to the eight years of Clinton's leadership. Clinton's foreign policy touched on several main issues of the international order, such as the Balkan wars and the Middle East peace process, and it is difficult to summarise the lessons that Haley draws from this presidency. Perhaps, one of the most interesting questions regarding Clinton's foreign policy is whether he over-estimated the power of globalisation. On the one hand, it seemed indubitable during the 1990s that economic growth and free trade had made the world safer, wealthier and more democratic. On the other hand, Clinton's critics underline how, at the end of his presidency, the United States was unprepared to manage Islamic terrorism, world disorder and the rise of authoritarian great powers like Russia and China. The articulate and reasonable analysis of the foreign policy of George W. Bush's predecessor helps the reader understand the circumstances and the reasons for the important mistakes that the current US president has, in Haley's opinion, made, primarily in Iraq. Chapters six and seven are mainly focused on how and why Bush's policy in the Middle East led to the dramatic situation in 2006, the year the book was published. In the final chapter, Haley departs from the academic level to provide several political recommendations for the next president, including abandoning US exceptionalism and the objective of democratisation. While this part of the book is probably the closest to the current US political debate, it is also the most partisan and controversial. (A.M.)